In 1961, Moscovici put forward his theory of SRs (SRT), based on Durkheim’s concept of collective representation (Durkheim, 1898; Moscovici, 1961). This theory was intended to account for the processes and contents by which social groups represent reality. In other words, Moscovici considered them to be a collective elaboration of knowledge about objects of collective interest. SRs are therefore one of the modalities of social thinking (Rouquette, 1973).

SRs are a “form of knowledge that is socially elaborated and shared. They have a practical aim and contribute to the construction of a reality common to a social whole” (Jodelet, 1989, p. 36, our translation). They thus provide a framework for analyzing human interactions, enabling us to understand the behavior of individuals and groups based on how they project themselves and their social environment. This involves considering both individual and group perspectives in order to identify the foundations of social thinking and the construction of social relations.

According to the structural approach, SRs are structured around a central core (CC) and a peripheral system (Abric, 2001). The elements making up SRs are organized according to their nature. CC elements are indispensable and non-negotiable, as they ensure the meaning, organization, and stability of the representation, and are generally the subject of consensus. Peripheral elements depend on the core and ensure the coherence of the representation across multiple contexts. They are flexible, reflect individual variability, and are typically the first to evolve when representations change. Flament (1989) suggested that the peripheral system allows different contexts to be decoded, while maintaining a coherent representation.

Research on social representations of peace conducted primarily in Western contexts shows that these are organized around intra-personal and relational considerations, positive emotions, freedoms, and well-being (Etoundi & Gaymard, 2021; Sarrica, 2007; Sarrica & Wachelke, 2010; Van der Linden & Licata, 2012). Given current differences of opinion about the basis of social cohesion in Cameroon, and considering that the objects of SRs are often sources of divergence and debate about the very idea of the social group (Flament & Rouquette, 2003; Moliner, 2011), it is reasonable to assume that issues related to peace are highly salient in Cameroonian society. Moreover, the country’s marked social and cultural diversity complicates any attempt to apprehend social thinking about peace, as it mobilizes multiple layers of identity (Bruneau et al., 2001). Although this diversity has periodically strained social harmony, it has not led, until recently, to large-scale social breakdown. The reasons remain difficult to establish and have not yet been demonstrated conclusively. Nonetheless, everyday life reveals domains in which the population converges; one such domain is religion. Despite the secular character of the State, religion occupies a prominent place in people’s lives. According to the most recent population census, 69.2% of inhabitants are Christians, 20.9% Muslims, 5.6% animists, 1.0% other faiths and 3.2% with no declared religion (United States Department of State, 2023). This religious grounding permeates daily interactions, making religious considerations omnipresent (Etoundi & Gaymard, 2017; Gaymard et al., 2015).

Because religious antagonisms are frequently implicated in intergroup conflict worldwide (Ferguson & McKeown, 2016; Neuberg et al., 2014; Saroglou, 2016), and in Africa, as illustrated by conflicts in the Central African Republic between Christian and Muslim armed groups and even civilian populations (Fancello, 2020), it is important to understand how individuals’ religious commitment shapes cognitions about peace. The present study therefore adopts the framework of social representations theory (SRT) to examine how shared values and symbolic resources contribute to constructing a group’s social identity in relation to peace.

Research on intergroup relations emphasizes the potentially conflictual nature of such relations, given competition over scarce resources and the tendency toward in-group favoritism (Böhm et al., 2020; Hewstone et al., 2014; Neuberg et al., 2014). Since social representations constitute socially shared knowledge that guides interpretation and prescribes behavior, analyzing social representations of peace can illuminate why Cameroon has, to date, maintained relative stability. Given the centrality of religion in Cameroon, the present study aims to assess the impact of religious commitment on the structure of peace-related SRs. Because social representations influence social practices (Michel-Guillou, 2006; Zbinden et al., 2011), identifying how religious involvement shapes the organization of these representations can help explain attitudes and behaviors relevant to the preservation of social harmony.

The corpus of free associations for the whole sample consisted of 726 words and expressions (i.e., average of 4.65 words per participant including 171 distinct items and 83 hapaxes (11.4% of the corpus). Analysis of the variability (8%) and diversity (31.66%) indices indicated informational redundancy. Given that communication is an important factor in the “construction of a common reality” (Jodelet, 1989, p. 53, our translation), this redundancy and recurrence of stereotyped evocations reflected a form of shared knowledge among participants (Kalampalikis & Moscovici, 2005; Kmiec & Roland-Lévy, 2014). The EVOC analysis, at an intermediate frequency threshold of 20 occurrences and a mean rank of 2.5, showed that the central core contained only the term unity (see Table 1). The first periphery included expressions such as security, cultural diversity, and social cohesion. Contrasting elements included education and hospitality, while the second periphery comprised items such as governance and demagogy.

Responses to the characterization questionnaire further highlighted ethnic diversity, mixing of populations, religious tolerance, the army, freedom of expression, and absence of war as the most characteristic elements of peace. The graphical representation (see Figure 1) showed J-shaped curves for these items, confirming their centrality. In contrast, items such as employment, solidarity, social justice, and government policy formed bell-shaped curves (see Figure 2), consistent with their status as peripheral elements.

Taken together, results from both methods converged on the idea that SRs of peace in Cameroon are primarily structured around harmonious coexistence.

Analysis by groups of believers revealed that the diversity of expressions varied with the level of religious commitment (see Table 2, Table 3, Table 4 and Table 5). Engaged and moderate believers produced associations with relatively low diversity, whereas non-engaged believers produced the highest proportion of hapaxes. When analyzed separately with EVOC, each group exhibited a distinct SR structure. For each group, the intermediate frequency and mean rank were defined based on significant differences observed across groups (Gaymard & Bordarie, 2015).

Analysis of free-association responses given by engaged or non-engaged believers showed that whereas the CC of each group contained the item unity, references to stability were specific to the engaged believers. By contrast, the moderate believers had a CC built around the terms individual rights, security, and social cohesion. The peripheries of the three SRs revealed little overlap, as items outside the core shifted position across groups. A chi-square test on items shared by all three groups showed significant differences for security (p = .0001), development (p = .002), and well-being (p = .029).

In the characterization questionnaire (see Figure 3, Figure 4 and Figure 5), items such as religious tolerance, head of state, mixing of populations, and army were judged central by all groups. Ethnic diversity, education, and absence of war were identified as central only among engaged and moderate believers. Peripheral elements common across groups included solidarity, social justice, and employment. Moderate believers differed in viewing individual rights as a contrasted element, and in excluding government policy from their SR.

A one-factor ANOVA on the characterization questionnaire data found no significant relationship between the degree of religious involvement and the importance attributed to individual items.

Given that stability has been a constant feature of Cameroon for decades, despite differences of opinion regarding its extent, we explored social thinking about peace through the lens of social representations (SRs). Two structural tools (free-association test and characterization questionnaire) were used to examine the organization of peace-related SRs according to levels of religious commitment.

Across the whole sample, analysis of free associations showed that unity was the primary element around which the SR of peace was organized. This finding was corroborated by the characterization questionnaire, which highlighted mixing of populations, ethnic diversity, religious tolerance, the army, and the head of state as the most characteristic items. These elements reflect institutions or symbolic resources that sustain the consensus required for harmonious coexistence among groups. Education and individual rights also appeared as key factors, acting as catalysts for unity by contributing to individual development and safeguarding democracy as a constitutional right. The centrality of cultural diversity confirmed that “the hybridization of cultures (…) ultimately contributes to the stability of a country where the feeling of nationality includes openness to otherness” (Abada Medjo, 2015, p. 7, our translation). In this respect, SRs of peace in Cameroon can be considered identity markers.

The structure of peace-related SRs that emerged from this study was built around intrapersonal, relational, and emotional factors, similar to findings in Western contexts (Sarrica, 2007; Sarrica & Wachelke, 2010; Van der Linden & Licata, 2012). This suggests that individuals, regardless of cultural setting, may be driven by common ideals concerning the permanence of social stability.

History and context are crucial in the construction of SRs (Beghoura, 2005; Bauer & Gaskell, 1999). Given that Cameroonian independence followed a violent conflict that fractured the social fabric, the salience of unity may reflect an implicit agreement among citizens to avoid repeating such traumatic events (Deltombe et al., 2011; Mbembe, 1991; Njeuma, 1989). This interpretation is consistent with the function of SRs in risk management (Gaymard, 2012; Joffe, 2003). Moreover, although Cameroon shares many structural similarities with other African states that have experienced severe crises (Bedzigui, 2008), it has so far avoided widespread instability. This points to a distinctive relationship between the population, its history, and its representations of peace. SRs of peace therefore contribute to the singularization of the Cameroonian population, highlighting the importance of the functions of knowledge, group identification and differentiation of groups relating to this form of social knowledge (Abric, 1976; Breakwell, 2007; Gaymard et al., 2015; Jodelet et al., 1970).

Cross-analyses of SRs by level of religious commitment suggested that peace-related representations were organized around three themes: unity, security, and harmonious coexistence. These themes were common to all three groups of believers. Although the structure of SRs, especially the central core, indicates a different social representation, no fundamental divergences emerged in the general idea assigned by each group. This finding was unexpected, as we anticipated that weak religious commitment might correlate with greater openness to debate, while strong religious commitment would foster homogeneous convictions. Instead, even non-engaged believers produced highly consensual representations. Significant differences observed for security, development, and well-being were largely attributable to disparities in group size. The absence of strong divergence may indicate that belonging to the same national community produces a shared identity that transcends religious practice or commitment (Gaymard, 2003).

The consistent salience of security, unity, and coexistence across groups underscores their importance as overarching values. These elements resonate with the ethical and moral foundations of religion, rooted in the promotion of good and love among individuals (Bultmann, 1930). Thus, while competition among religious denominations has intensified in recent years, particularly with the growth of evangelical churches (Mayrargue, 2016), this has not translated into divergent representations of peace. Our findings confirm Mvessomba’s (2008) observation that the proliferation of religious groups in Cameroon does not result in significant ideological cleavages.

Some peripheral elements reflected respondents’ broader concerns. Given high unemployment and widespread corruption (Kouagheu, 2023; Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2023), references to employment, governance, and justice suggest that peace is viewed as contingent on building a fairer social environment. Moreover, whether considering the whole sample or specific groups, the elements identified were closely tied to contemporary socio-economic and political realities. References to ethnic diversity and mixing of populations reflected the multicultural character of the country, while security and the army highlighted the role of security forces in the face of threats such as Boko Haram in the north and rebel groups on the border with the Central African Republic. These findings confirm the importance of object proximity in the activation of SRs (Abric, 2001; Abric & Tafani, 1995; Dany, 2016).